Why Did Gonzales Answer The Questions?
Attorney General Alberto Gonzales has tossed himself into a legal pickle by answering questions in ways that, at this point, appear to have been untruthful. The question is why did he answer the questions at all? I mean 64 "I don't recall"s in his previous appearance. A flat out refusal to answer a question from Schumer in his last appearance. And think of this, as reported by Marty Lederman:
[A]t the Senate Judiciary hearing this week, Senator Durbin . . . asked the AG, in particular, whether it would be legal for a foreign government to subject nonuniformed U.S. personnel to five particular interrogation techniques -- "painful stress positions, threatening detainees with dogs, forced nudity, waterboarding and mock execution."This was our Attorney General's shameful non-response:
"Senator, you're asking me to answer a question which, I think, may provide insight into activities that the CIA may be involved with in the future. . . . [I]t would depend on circumstances, quite frankly."
. . . In questions following a hearing last summer, Senator Durbin asked the each of the Judge Advocates General of the military services the same question about the application of Common Article 3 to such interrogation techniques. The JAGs -- Navy Rear Admiral Bruce MacDonald; Army Major General Scott Black; Marine Brigadier General Kevin Sandkuhler; and Air Force Major General Jack Rives -- have now submitted their answers, which are just a bit less equivocal, and quite a bit shorter, than the responses of the Attorney General, the President, and Mike McConnell:
QUESTION: Are those five techniques consistent with Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions?
ANSWER (from each of the JAGs): "No."
Q: Are they unlawful?
A: Yes.
So why answer the other questions instead of dodging them? Spencer Ackerman and Paul Kiel have a theory:
Alberto Gonzales' testimony that there was "no serious disagreement" within the Bush Administration about the NSA warrantless surveillance program has left senators sputtering and fulminating about the attorney general's apparent prevarications. But a closer examination of Gonzales' testimony and other public statements from the Administration suggest that there may be a method to the madness.There's a lot of evidence to suggest that Gonzales's careful, repeated phrasing to the Senate that he will only discuss the program that "the president described" was deliberate, part of a concerted administration-wide strategy to conceal from the public the very broad scope of that initial program. When, for the first time, Program X (as we'll call it, for convenience's sake) became known to senior Justice Department officials who were not its original architects, those officials -- James Comey and Jack Goldsmith, principally -- balked at its continuation. They did not back down until the program had undergone as-yet-unspecified but apparently significant revisions. But when President Bush announced what he would call the "Terrorist Surveillance Program' in December 2005, he left the clear impression that the program had always functioned the same way since its 2001 inception.
The administration's consistent refusal to discuss any aspect of the program -- current or former -- aside from what President Bush disclosed in December 2005 appears to be intended, specifically, to gloss over Comey and Goldsmith's objections. If that's the case, it could mean that the public has been presented with an inaccurate picture of the origins and scope of Program X. The Bush administration is currently contesting a Senate Judiciary Committee subpoena for documentation establishing Program X's history -- in essence, trying to ensure that the public never learns more about the program and the internal deliberations over it than what President Bush chooses to reveal.
So, the theory goes, Gonzales is taking one for the team in order to conceal even worse secrets.
I do not buy that theory as presented. Having become a veteran Gonzales watcher, I have seen him look as foolish as any witness I can remember. Both by stating inanities and by claiming faulty memory. The man has had no compunction in playing or being the fool. Would that not serve the purpose better? How would a perjury investigation serve the goal?
Or perhaps Ackerman and Kiel are positing that Gonzales is just bad at covering up for the Administration. To wit, he is a fool AND a knave.
That seems a more plausible explanation.
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